Owning our story and loving ourselves through that process is the bravest thing that we’ll ever do.
, Thomas Jefferson was worried about the bankers becoming the we the bankers and not we the people. And George Washington worried about the people starting the Whig Party.
So they wouldn’t enslave the people. And they did..
We The People.
One party used to run the people.
Frontier party, party of one.
That was, we the people.
Today the right or left divide the people.
Get rid of it, and win the republic back.
Party of one, God bless America.
Frontier Party of America (frontier partyusa.org)
The Frontier Party believes that citizens have certain rights that need to be protected
in order to maintain a prosperous society. Without these rights being upheld by our government and each citizen, we create a society where many people struggle.
A society where the majority does not have basic needs met, is one that is not going to reach its true potential. The Nine Teeth surround the Gear in our Logo stand for the
Nine Rights every American should be assured. Platform — Frontier Party of America (frontier partyusa.org)
These rights are:
1. Right to Healthcare
2. Right to Sanitation
3. Right to Transportation
4. Right to Healthy Food
5. Right to Safety
6. Right to Habitation
7. Right to Education
8. Right to Communication
9. Right to Employment
Take any one of these rights away from a person in the modern world and
watch them struggle. We would not want to be without these rights, and we would not want our neighbors and fellow citizens to be without these rights because when our neighbor suffers, we suffer.
As we move to assure these rights for all Americans, we also embrace progress and changes in technology that can allow us to reach our goals quickly and effectively.
Join us as we flesh out our ideals. Our voice is your voice.
Make it heard. Join the Frontier.
The sun was setting behind Mount Rushmore, providing the perfect
light for this dramatic view of Mount Rushmore.
The Myth of the American frontier
By Gavin Jacobson
How the Myth of the American Frontier Got Its Start | History| Smithsonian Magazine
From the Wild West to Trump’s border wall, the image of the frontier has enabled American imperialism.
“They rode on and the sun in the east flushed… a deeper run of colour like blood seeping up in sudden reaches flaring plane wise and where the earth drained up into the sky at the edge of creation the top of the sun rose out of nothing like the head of a great red phallus until it cleared the unseen rim and sat squat and pulsing and malevolent behind them.”
Few writers have described the vanishing point of America’s territorial unfolding, and the violence it unleashed on indigenous peoples, as evocatively as Cormac McCarthy in Blood Meridian (1985). Set on the Texas-Mexico border in 1849-1850, McCarthy’s epic follows a group of scalp-hunters as they massacre Native Americans in a barbarous claiming of the land. Images of a crimson sun on the horizon, casting an “Evening Redness in the West”, dispel all illusions about the benevolence of empire, but rather invoke its bloody (and masculine) course, where, as Greg Grandin writes in The End of the Myth,
“The endless sky meets endless hate”.
Belief in the nation’s sacred mission and faith in the redemptive virtues of the frontier
are the keystone mythologies of American history. Even before its independence in 1776, America was long thought of as a deathless continuum, unbounded by either geography or ethics. In 1651, Thomas Hobbes described British colonialism on the continent as being driven by an “insatiable appetite, or Bulimia, of enlarging dominion”.
Founding Fathers such as Thomas Jefferson later delivered soaring encomia to westward migration, identifying the frontier not only as a crucible of national regeneration, but as the condition of all natural and universal rights. Fellow Founder James Madison thought that inland expansion, far from breeding vice, as many Enlightenment theorists supposed, would actually dilute concentrations of power and factionalism that sundered other polities. Settlement and the taming of wilderness became the high romance of the American imagination. The 19th-century historian Frederick Jackson Turner described the frontier as “a magic fountain of youth in which America continually bathed and was rejuvenated”.
It was Turner who in 1893 gave the frontier its most radical and enduring formulation.
In a paper titled “The Significance of the Frontier in American History”, Turner detached the frontier from its associations with borders, and turned it into what Grandin calls “a sociology of vastness”. His paper subsequently became a vade mecum for historians and presidents, who cited its thesis “the way monks chant a creed”. For Turner, the frontier was where American ideals – property, virtue, individualism and freedom – crystallised in their sovereign form.
It also served as a “gate of escape”, channelling pathologies such as racism, misogyny, nativism and economic inequality outwards, away from commercial and political centres. Drawing on the words of Martin Luther King, Jr, Grandin writes how a “constant fleeing forward” via the frontier has “allowed the United States to avoid a true reckoning with its social problems”.
In an exquisite telling of American history, Grandin shows how the frontier became the master metaphor of New World republicanism, which prescribed and sanctified “the expansionist imperative” behind everything from the border to markets, politics, science, culture and even the psyche. During the space race in the 1960s, John F Kennedy called the moon a “new frontier” (harking back to the 19th century, when Cecil Rhodes yearned to “annex the planets”).
Ronald Reagan regularly spoke of limitless economic growth. His successor, George HW Bush, said in 1989 that it was “the frontiers of the mind – scientific, geographic, cultural – that remain to be crossed”. Bill Clinton called Nafta “the moral equivalent of the frontier in the 19th century”. George Bush Jr promised to “extend the frontiers of freedom” through a war on terror.
Grandin describes – often in horrifying detail – the racial warfare and enslavement accompanying what he calls America’s “process of endless becoming”. In the early 19th century, future president Andrew Jackson kept the skulls of the Indians he killed as trophies, while his soldier’s peeled strips of skin from their victims to use as bridle reins. Such violence wasn’t confined to the American continent. Far from triumphalist, Turner’s thesis was originally presented in a more apprehensive register: the country was running out of land to expand into.
The historian Richard Hofstadter later noted that, “If, as [Turner] had said, American democracy was born of free land and gained new strength every time it touched a new frontier, might it not gradually lose strength after the disappearance of the last frontier, and ultimately die for lack of its distinctive nourishment?” The solution was simple: expansion into foreign lands.
Grandin describes how the empire at home bled into imperialism abroad.
In 1901, Woodrow Wilson said that the chance to make war, and extend the horizon of American primacy, was “a new revolution”. The Spanish-American War of 1898, and the military campaigns in the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Nicaragua and Haiti, had “made new frontiers for ourselves beyond the seas”. Within these domains, American capital could be secured, as Wilson implored businessmen in 1916 to “go out and sell goods that will make the world more comfortable and happier and convert them to the principles of America”.
Imperialism not only opened up markets for American goods. It also provided a nation recovering from civil war an outlet for all its residual angers and resentments. The war against Spain in 1898 allowed former Confederate soldiers to keep white supremacy alive in the carnage inflicted upon foreign “n*****s” (the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan in 1915 was led by the veterans of 1898). Fighting abroad was an exercise in atonement, giving white southerners the chance to recover from the trauma of defeat in the Civil War, as they found unity with their former enemies from the north.
Here Grandin’s book might be read profitably alongside Daniel Immerwahr’s vivid, and sometimes quirky, retelling of American expansionism. The US “is clearly not a country that has kept its hands to itself”, he observes. By the end of the Second World War, it had secured territory in the Pacific, and occupied parts of Korea, Germany, Austria and all of Japan, so that areas under US jurisdiction included some 135 million people living outside the mainland. US power-projection was further boosted in the 1950s when the Korean War and the turn to warfare Keynesianism (in which governments raise spending to stimulate economic growth), led to a proliferation of the domestic security state, as well as a global complex of bases and loyal satrapies.
The originality of Immerwahr’s book, though, is not in the history of how the US acquired its overseas possessions (although he tells it well). Rather, it’s in his explanation of how Washington purposely avoided converting its occupations to annexations. The Philippines was granted independence (1946), Puerto Rico became a “commonwealth” (1952), while Hawaii and Alaska became states (1959). The US retains parts of its colonial empire, claiming ownership of numerous islands – Guam, American Samoa, the Northern Mariana Islands, the Virgin Islands – and has about 800 military bases around the world, including Guantanamo Bay. But for the most part, Immer Wahr shows how, in some unexpected ways, the world’s superpower has endeavored to hide its imperium through globalization rather than colonization.
This was partly owing to nationalist and anti-colonial movements – often backed by Soviet money and materiel – that organized resistance campaigns throughout the global South. But the main reasons for the decline in formal colonialism were “empire-killing technologies” that “gave powerful countries ways to enjoy the benefits of empire without claiming populated territories”. The development of synthetics substituted for strategic raw materials. Transportation and communication, enhanced by innovations in radio, cryptography, aviation and satellite technology, reduced the need for territorial control, as did advances in medicine and engineering.
Immerwahr shows how standardisation allowed empires to reinforce their supremacy.
If the British empire spread its imperial measurement system (feet, yards, gallons, pounds, tons), then the US strove even more to imprint faraway lands with parallel laws, norms, tastes, educational practices and institutions. Everything from techniques in nursing and farming, to the size of screw threads, the pitch of music (the US music industry depended on Europeans adopting a pure A440 tone rather than the slightly flatter “French pitch” of A435), and the adoption of English, all helped to project US power on a planetary scale.
Reading Immerwahr’s book in Hong Kong, it’s hard not to think of contemporary China and its more brazen and ersatz efforts to reassert a pan-Asian dominance. Like the US, it recognises the strategic value of small, seemingly insignificant atolls in the Pacific. It also sees the adoption of Mandarin (enforced on the mainland; disseminated via the Confucius Institute abroad), the redrawing of maps and the temptations offered by its knock-off Silicon Valley in the Pearl River Delta as key to its imperial fortunes. At the same time, the importance of the Belt and Road Initiative highlights what Immerwahr underplays in his account: the role of financial instruments, such as the Marshall Plan or the International Monetary Fund, in maintaining US imperialism.
Immerwahr also overlooks the extent to which the hiding empire is dependent on the manufacture of consent. During the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, journalists and intellectuals attempted to conceal the true ambitions of Pax Americana. Writing for the New York Times Magazine in 2003, Michael Ignatieff described America’s empire as “a global hegemony whose grace notes are free markets, human rights and democracy, enforced by the most awesome military power the world has ever known”.
Others, including Niall Ferguson, Christopher Hitchens and George Packer, laundered US imperial designs through its most exalted journals – the Atlantic, the New Yorker and the New Republic – as well as a spate of books whose titles included General William Odom’s America’s Inadvertent Empire (2004) and Ignatieff’s Empire Lite (2003). If there was such a thing as an American empire, they said, it was a reluctant one, eschewing traditional dominions and compelled by the exigencies of WMDs and Islamic terrorism. To hide the empire was to also erase it from the national conscience.
Forever wars in the Middle East, a financial crisis in 2008, “followed by a perverse kind of recovery” and a deepening ecological crisis leads Grandin to conclude that Turner’s “gate of escape” has now slammed shut. Like a disturbing frieze running left to right, from the Republic’s genesis to its Trumpian nadir, his book shows how all the political passions that had once been directed outwards have now come home. “Trumpism is extremism turned inward, all-consuming and self-devouring.”
The racism, nativism and violent masculinity – all of it symbolised by the proposed border wall – that defines America’s political landscape isn’t an aberration, then, but merely the backwash of its self-declared exceptionalism.
The End of the Myth: From the Frontier to the Border Wall in the Mind of America
By Greg Grandin – Search Videos (bing.com)
How to Hide an Empire: A Short History of the Greater United States
By Daniel Immerwahr – Search Videos (bing.com)
“If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of their currency first by inflation then by deflation the banks and corporations that will grow up around them will deprive the people of all property until their children wake up homeless on the continent their Fathers conquered… I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies… The issuing power should be taken from the banks and restored to the people to whom it properly belongs.”
Thoughts
1785 seems rather early for Jefferson to be making such dire predictions about the unhappy fate of the new American government, yet his worry that democracy might turn into a form of despotism has proven to be correct some 200 years later and “not a distant” time as he originally thought. What is interesting about this quote is also the use of animal imagery, this time seeing the government as a “wolf” whose teeth and claws would need to be pulled if liberty were to survive.
Before there was John Kenneth Galbraith or Joe Stiglitz or Nouriel Roubini, or Simon Johnson or Niall Ferguson or Occupy Wall Street– there was one of the Founding Fathers, Thomas Jefferson giving an advance warning of 2008 some 200 years ago. An awesome foreboding it was, too.
“I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies,” Jefferson wrote. ” If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of their currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks and corporations that will grow up around(these banks) will deprive the people of all property until their children wake up homeless on the continent their fathers conquered.”
“The issuing power of currency shall be taken from the banks and restored to the people, to whom it properly belongs.” We should all meditate on that amazing prediction of things to come that are not necessarily beneficial to the 99%– but only to the 1%.
For over half a century I have worked as an investment banker, and then written about Wall Street, highlighting the market upheavals of 1973-4, 1987, 1999-2000, and 2007-2008 and their ramifications for the American economy,the disparity of wealth in the nation and the continuing risks of another deep global financial crisis.
The Battle Over the First National Bank and Its Constitutional Implications | Tenth Amendment Center
Did Thomas Jefferson Say ‘Banks and Corporations Will Deprive’ People of ‘All Property’? | Snopes.com
Jefferson feared that it would only be a matter of time before the American system of government degenerated into a form of “elective despotism” (1785)
Found in: The Works, vol. 4 (Notes on Virginia II, Correspondence 1782-1786)
Because Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826) thought it would be only a matter of time before the American system of government degenerated into an “elective despotism,” he warned that citizens should act now in order to make sure that “the wolf [was kept] out of the fold”: “The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the…
“The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots & tyrants. It is its natural manure.” Thomas Jefferson (Paris,1787)
With this statement, Jefferson is condoning some level of violence to bring about change, but how could this quote be misused and Who’s responsibility is it to decide appropriate use of violence? What role does this idea play in today’s modern society and Is one man’s terrorist another man’s patriot?
Presidents, Kings, Tyrants, & Despots
Mankind soon learns to make interesting uses of every right and power which they possess or may assume. The public money and public liberty, intended to have been deposited with three branches of magistracy, but found inadvertently to be in the hands of one only, will soon be discovered to be sources of wealth and dominion to those who hold them…
They [the assembly] should look forward to a time, and that not a distant one, when a corruption in this, as in the country from which we derive our origin, will have seized the heads of government, and be spread by them through the body of the people; when they will purchase the voices of the people, and make them pay the price.
Human nature is the same on every side of the Atlantic, and will be alike influenced by the same causes. The time to guard against corruption and tyranny, is before they shall have gotten hold of us. It is better to keep the wolf out of the fold, than to trust in drawing his teeth and talons after he shall have entered.
****
Wildflowers ft. Emmi – We’re A Little Messed Up (youtube.com)
They’ve got you by the balls – George Carlin (youtube.com)
“The real owners are the big wealthy business interests that control things and make all the important decisions. Forget the politicians, they’re an irrelevancy. The politicians are put there to give you the idea that you have freedom of choice. You don’t. You have no choice. You have owners. They own you. They own everything. They own all the important land. They own and control the corporations. They’ve long since bought and paid for the Senate, the Congress, the statehouses, the city halls. They’ve got the judges in their back pockets. And they own all the big media companies, so that they control just about all of the news and information you hear.
They’ve got you by the balls.
They spend billions of dollars every year lobbying lobbying to get what they want.
Well, we know what they want; they want more for themselves and less for everybody else.”
“But I’ll tell you what they don’t want. They don’t want a population of citizens capable of critical thinking. They don’t want well-informed, well-educated people capable of critical thinking. They’re not interested in that. That doesn’t help them. That’s against their interests. They don’t want people who are smart enough to sit around the kitchen table and figure out how badly they’re getting fucked by a system that threw them overboard 30 fucking years ago.
“You know what they want?
Obedient workers people who are just smart enough to run the machines and do the paperwork but just dumb enough to passively accept all these increasingly shittier jobs with reduced help, the longer hours, reduced benefits, the end of overtime and the vanishing pension that disappears the minute you go to collect it. And now, they’re coming for your Social Security. They want your fucking retirement money. They want it back, so they can give it to their criminal friends on Wall Street. And you know something? They’ll get it. They’ll get it all, sooner or later, because they own this fucking place. It’s a big club, and you ain’t in it. You and I are not in the big club.” *THIS COUNTRY IS FINISHED* GEORGE CARLIN ON COUNTDOWN (youtube.com)
‘This Country Is Finished’